Personal Guilt and the Feeling of Collective Guilt for a War of Aggression

In another article in the “Dictionary of War” on PostPravda.Info, Nikolai Karpitsky examines the concept of guilt. Are all Russians guilty of the war? Can we speak of collective guilt, or can guilt only be personal? How does a sense of collective guilt arise?

Guilt

Guilt is always connected to an action. The subject of an action may be an individual, a state, or a social institution that possesses a unified decision-making mechanism. If such a mechanism does not exist, then guilt cannot exist either. A subject bears guilt for an action in two cases: either when it was originally based on malicious intent, or when – regardless of intent – the action led to injustice and caused harm to people. Unlike the state, a people cannot be the subject of an action and therefore cannot be guilty of committing it, since a people represent an imagined unity of individuals, each of whom acts in their own way, while decision-making mechanisms belong not to the people as such but to specific social institutions.

Guilt presupposes political, legal, or moral punishment. Guilt is borne by an individual subject, not a collective one: a person, not society; a state, not a people; a church organization, not Christians, and so on. Punishment must always be applied only to an individual subject, even if the consequences of this punishment affect others. For example, when an outstanding cultural figure is punished for a criminal offense, society suffers, but this is not grounds for exempting that person from responsibility. Similarly, when a state is punished for unleashing an aggressive war, the entire people suffer; however, this is not grounds for exempting the state from punishment – boycotts, sanctions, and other measures, up to and including its complete dismantling. At the same time, each citizen may bear their own personal guilt for inaction or, all the more so, for complicity in the crimes of the state; in every case, however, each person has their own specific guilt.

The Feeling of Collective Guilt

It is necessary to distinguish between actual guilt and the feeling of guilt. Although a people cannot bear collective guilt, a person may experience a feeling of guilt for their people, since a feeling of guilt can relate not only to one’s own actions but also to the actions of other people or groups with whom one identifies. For example, children are not guilty of their parents’ actions, but they may feel guilt for them. Thus, although collective guilt cannot exist, a feeling of collective guilt is formed on the basis of common identity. A person can experience it together with those with whom they identify: family, church, people, country, and so on.

In mythological and religious contexts, the feeling of collective guilt and guilt itself are practically indistinguishable; therefore, it is entirely justified to say that God, fate, history, or higher powers punish a people for guilt.

Types of Guilt

Criminal guilt is determined by the fact of committing a crime that is legally defined and punishable by law. It is always personal in nature. Even if a crime is committed by an organization, each of its members is legally responsible for their own personal guilt. In addition to criminal guilt, Karl Jaspers distinguishes political, moral, and metaphysical guilt.

If the residents of a country supported the regime, they bear moral guilt for this; ignorance, lack of understanding of the situation, or the absence of its legal qualification cannot serve as justification. Moral guilt is personal in nature, since it concerns specific subjects and their actions.

Political guilt is the guilt of all citizens for the regime they endure, even if they themselves are victims of that regime and did not directly participate in its crimes. This is where its collective character manifests itself. Since factual guilt cannot be collective, political guilt is expressed in the feeling of guilt and in a willingness to bear responsibility for the crimes of one’s own state and of one’s fellow citizens who supported the regime.

Metaphysical guilt is expressed in a feeling of responsibility for one’s own inaction when crimes are being committed nearby. Every Russian bears metaphysical guilt for Russia’s crimes, because there is always something they could have done but did not do. Since this remainder cannot be precisely determined, metaphysical guilt is given not as a universally valid fact, but as a feeling of personal responsibility for not having done everything one could. At the core of metaphysical guilt lies a feeling of shared human solidarity; the denial of metaphysical guilt is a sign of indifference toward other people and toward their right to life.

Metaphysical Guilt and Responsibility for Russia’s War Against Ukraine

Hannah Arendt draws a distinction between guilt and responsibility. While criminal and moral guilt are factual in nature – that is, they are determined by the actions of a specific subject – political and metaphysical guilt may be unrelated to one’s own actions and, in such cases, manifest only as an inner feeling. Accordingly, what Karl Jaspers called political and metaphysical guilt is understood by Hannah Arendt as a form of responsibility rather than factual guilt.

Guilt for Russia’s war against Ukraine is borne by the state as a social institution, as well as by all those who are complicit in this crime. At the same time, an individual citizen of Russia may experience a feeling of metaphysical guilt for not having done everything possible to stop the war, and a feeling of political guilt for their affiliation with the aggressor state. These experiences express both the personal and the collective responsibility of a citizen for the war unleashed by their state. Although this feeling is experienced individually, it can be shared by others, leading to the formation in public consciousness of a collective feeling of guilt for the war, on the basis of which an understanding of collective responsibility arises. If a person ignores this responsibility, they bear personal guilt for their own irresponsibility.

Read also at PostPravda.Info: „Can Russia be civilized? ‘An entire generation is responsible for the terror in Ukraine’ [OPINION]”

Hot this week

Ukraine’s soldiers seek revenge against Putin’s forces in Kursk: ‘We laughed digging trenches on enemy soil’

From crippling bridges bringing supplies to Russia’s troops to defending the territory they have snatched in daring raids, soldiers resting in Ukraine’s border Sumy region tell Askold Krushelnycky they want to push on.

Propaganda surrounding the assassination attempt on Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico

After the assassination attempt on Robert Fico, the propaganda inherent in such cases was basically immediately launched. Wszelaka. We followed it through.

In Kursk, Putin is learning that historical revanchism cuts both ways [OPINION]

Ukrainians may decide to celebrate the liberation of their former capital. Historical revanchism cuts both ways.

The Kremlin fears that the West is trying to break Russia apart. If only! [OPINION]

Russia’s stony-faced foreign minister is getting paranoid. Sergei Lavrov believes that “at present, about 50 countries are trying to break up Russia.” The West is the Kremlin's worst enemy.

I’ve witnessed first-hand the horrific cost of Putin’s war – as casualties hit 1 million

The combined number of casualties on both sides in Russia’s war against Ukraine has reached the ghastly 1 million mark, according to a media report. The tally of deaths in Europe’s largest conflict since the Second World War.

Russian Imperial Consciousness and the Loss of an Adequate Perception of Probability

Why do Russians believe in absurd things? What seems unlikely in the world-picture of a Westerner appears inevitable in the world-picture of Russians. The mistake made by Western analysts is that they look for a rational motivation behind the behavior of the Russian authorities. Russians, however, assess the significance of events differently and assign different probabilities to them, and this directly affects their imperial consciousness.

Valerii Zaluzhnyi, Oleksandr Syrskyi, and Mykhailo Drapatyi: Professionalism or Military Talent?

Ukraine now faces the challenge of reversing the course of the war during the transition to a new technological era, one that demands of the Commander-in-Chief not only experience and professionalism but also talent. Will Mykhailo Drapatyi be able to meet this challenge?

President of Kazakhstan Tokayev Delivered Putin a Message Written in Beijing

During talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin on Saturday, July 25, in Omsk, Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev proposed freezing the war in Ukraine. However, Estonian publicist Andrei Kuzichkin believes that, in reality, Kazakhstan’s president was conveying a message to Putin from Xi Jinping. The question remains whether Putin is capable of interpreting it correctly – and there are serious doubts about that.

Technology Has Changed Warfare. Will Western Leaders Draw the Right Conclusions from Valerii Zaluzhnyi’s Analysis?

On July 8, 2026, another article by Valerii Zaluzhnyi was published. The central thesis of the article is that advances in military technology require a fundamental reassessment of conventional ideas about war, including the very concept of military victory. Are Western leaders, who bear responsibility for the fate of their nations, prepared to draw the necessary conclusions and rethink their strategic vision of war?

Is the State an Instrument of Law or an Apparatus of Violence? Russia, Poland, and Ukraine: Historical Contradictions Can Be Overcome, but Civilizational Ones Cannot

At the core of political conflicts between Poland and Ukraine lies a divergent understanding of history. However, these contradictions can be overcome if historical disputes are not politicized but are instead approached through a shared understanding of the state as an instrument of the legal system designed to ensure normal social life. Political contradictions with Russia, however, are fundamentally irreconcilable. Even if enlightened liberals were to come to power in Russia, they would not be able to change the historical fact that Russia developed as a militarized state whose essence is not law but a mechanism of violence.

Alexander Lukashenko: Putin’s hostage despot

Alexander Lukashenko, who ruled Belarus for nearly 32 years through extremist state terror is now trapped by inescapable forces. Between his economic and military dependence on Moscow and the existential threats from his own population, he finds his survival at the mercy of factors beyond his clutch.

National Identity and the Diplomatic Conflict Between Poland and Ukraine

Is the diplomatic conflict between Poland and Ukraine purely ideological, or is it rooted in questions of national identity? Dr. Yulia Fil, a culturologist, offers an academic answer free of political judgments.

Sexual Humiliation as an Instrument of Russian Military Policy

Only in relatively recent times in democratic countries have sexual relations come to be understood primarily as a sphere of personal freedom and individual choice. Such an approach is unacceptable to the contemporary Russian authorities, which in their attitude toward sexuality demonstrate not merely conservatism but a drive to revive the most primitive forms of social control. As a result, sexual humiliation becomes one of the instruments used to maintain the system of power and to mobilize society for war.
spot_img

Related Articles

Popular Categories

spot_imgspot_img