Russia’s Lost Agency: What Awaits It After Defeat? [Dictionary of War]

Under the UN Charter, respect for the right of peoples to self-determination is a fundamental principle of international relations. UN General Assembly Resolution 1514 (1960) states: “All peoples have the right to self-determination; by virtue of that right they freely determine their political status…”

However, not all nations have agency. If a people that in no way manifests its agency is burdened with responsibility for the state, it is likely to hand over the power to decide its fate to a dictator. Will the Russian people have the right to self-determination after their defeat in the war, or will their fate be decided by a coalition of the victors? To answer this question, it is necessary to clarify the concept of “agency,” to which Nikolai Karpitsky has devoted another article in the Dictionary of War on PostPravda.Info.

Agency

In the broadest sense, agency is the ability to act as an independent actor, to make one’s own decisions, and not to be subject to the will of others. In the social sense, it is the ability to be an independent agent of influence and to assert one’s interests in society or on the international stage.

The agency of an individual is determined by their free will, which is expressed in actions. Collective agency is possible only through free collective action, in which an individual fulfils themselves and receives recognition from others. However, collective actions can also be coerced, leading to the loss of collective agency and the rise of authoritarian or totalitarian social systems.

The bearer of individual agency is a free person conscious of their ability to act and make decisions independently. The bearers of collective agency are free individuals who, despite differences in beliefs and interests, voluntarily unite to express a common stance. They embody collective agency in particular social forms – a people, civil society, the state, a religious movement, and so on. If collective actions are carried out under duress, this leads to the collapse of collective agency. Collective agency does not require unanimity, for it is grounded in the common actions of free people who may hold different beliefs and frequently diverge in their views on many issues. Unanimity arises when a people renounces its agency in favour of dictatorship.

The Agency of a People

Recognition of another’s agency is expressed in the recognition of rights – in the case of a person or an association of individuals, and in the recognition of sovereignty – in the case of peoples and states. The principle enshrined in UN documents, respect for the right of peoples to self-determination, entails recognition of their ability to shape their own agency. The sovereign right of a people is enshrined in many constitutions, which declare that the source of authority lies with the people. However, if a people fails to exercise its agency in practice, a dictator will almost certainly usurp it.

Thus, the German people lost their agency when Hitler came to power. The Stalinist regime created a new “Soviet” agency that displaced the agencies of other peoples. The Palestinians did not succeed in forming their own agency, distinct from the pan-Arab one, and when the Gaza Strip effectively gained independence in 2005, the agency of the Palestinian population was usurped by the terrorist organization Hamas.

Read too: „Can Russia be civilized? ‘An entire generation is responsible for the terror in Ukraine’ [OPINION]”

The Agency of the Ukrainian People

A people’s agency is expressed in historical moments when society succeeds in breaking social inertia. Ukraine, like many other post-Soviet countries, remained for a long time caught in the inertia of the post-Soviet era. However, society asserted its agency by rising against the post-Soviet corrupt oligarchic system, which led to the Orange Revolution (2004–2005) and the Revolution of Dignity (2013–2014).

As a rule, in times of war, a rigid power vertical is established, and the agency of society diminishes. However, following Russia’s large-scale invasion of Ukraine, the agency of Ukrainian civil society has grown; it has asserted itself as an independent force in the country’s defence alongside the state. This is evident in the growth of the volunteer movement, the large-scale improvised production of drones, and the supplying of servicemen at the front with everything they need. Moreover, when the public believed that the authorities had passed a flawed law, mass protests broke out in many Ukrainian cities on 23 July 2025, forcing the authorities to listen to the public and alter their stance.

How do Ukrainians perceive the agency of Russians?

At the beginning of the war, many Ukrainians believed that the Putin regime was waging war against them and turned to their friends, relatives, and fellow believers in Russia in an effort to achieve mutual understanding. Today, Ukrainians are largely convinced that all of Russia is waging war against them, and attempts to reach an understanding with Russians have all but ceased. In other words, Ukrainians no longer perceive the Russian people as possessing their own agency, distinct from that of the authorities. For the same reason, they do not regard the Russian opposition, which speaks on behalf of an imaginary “other Russia,” as having genuine agency. Respect is reserved only for individual Russians who openly oppose the Putin regime and support Ukraine, but they are seen not as representatives of Russia but as solitary heroes. They are treated in the same way as anti-fascist Germans during the Second World War. After all, at that time, despite their struggle, no one recognised the agency of the German people as distinct from that of Nazi Germany.

Who will decide Russia’s fate after the war?

The Russian Constitution enshrines the principle that the people are the source of power. But if the people have renounced their agency in favour of the regime, they have thereby also renounced their right to self-determination. This delegitimises Russia as a subject of international law, and it continues to be taken into account only because it poses a military threat. This raises the question: who will decide the fate of Russia in the event of its defeat in the war – the Russian people or a coalition of the victors? This issue is not yet under discussion, but history offers a precedent.

The German people, having relinquished their agency in favour of Hitler, lost the ability to determine their own post-war future, and the fate of Germany was decided by the victorious powers. Different models of agency took shape in the divided parts of Germany. However, after the fall of the Berlin Wall, East Germans expressed a desire to integrate into the agency of the German people of the Federal Republic of Germany. If, after Russia’s defeat in the war, the victorious countries also do not recognise the agency of the Russian people, this will create opportunities for developing new models of agency for the peoples of Russia. In some regions – Bashkortostan, Tatarstan, and the Caucasus republics – statements asserting their own agency are already being voiced. In other regions, such as Siberia and the Far East, new models of agency have not yet taken shape, but the preconditions are already in place.

Read too: Party of the Dead against Putin’s Russia

Hot this week

Ukraine’s soldiers seek revenge against Putin’s forces in Kursk: ‘We laughed digging trenches on enemy soil’

From crippling bridges bringing supplies to Russia’s troops to defending the territory they have snatched in daring raids, soldiers resting in Ukraine’s border Sumy region tell Askold Krushelnycky they want to push on.

Propaganda surrounding the assassination attempt on Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico

After the assassination attempt on Robert Fico, the propaganda inherent in such cases was basically immediately launched. Wszelaka. We followed it through.

In Kursk, Putin is learning that historical revanchism cuts both ways [OPINION]

Ukrainians may decide to celebrate the liberation of their former capital. Historical revanchism cuts both ways.

The Kremlin fears that the West is trying to break Russia apart. If only! [OPINION]

Russia’s stony-faced foreign minister is getting paranoid. Sergei Lavrov believes that “at present, about 50 countries are trying to break up Russia.” The West is the Kremlin's worst enemy.

I’ve witnessed first-hand the horrific cost of Putin’s war – as casualties hit 1 million

The combined number of casualties on both sides in Russia’s war against Ukraine has reached the ghastly 1 million mark, according to a media report. The tally of deaths in Europe’s largest conflict since the Second World War.

Russian Imperial Consciousness and the Loss of an Adequate Perception of Probability

Why do Russians believe in absurd things? What seems unlikely in the world-picture of a Westerner appears inevitable in the world-picture of Russians. The mistake made by Western analysts is that they look for a rational motivation behind the behavior of the Russian authorities. Russians, however, assess the significance of events differently and assign different probabilities to them, and this directly affects their imperial consciousness.

Valerii Zaluzhnyi, Oleksandr Syrskyi, and Mykhailo Drapatyi: Professionalism or Military Talent?

Ukraine now faces the challenge of reversing the course of the war during the transition to a new technological era, one that demands of the Commander-in-Chief not only experience and professionalism but also talent. Will Mykhailo Drapatyi be able to meet this challenge?

President of Kazakhstan Tokayev Delivered Putin a Message Written in Beijing

During talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin on Saturday, July 25, in Omsk, Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev proposed freezing the war in Ukraine. However, Estonian publicist Andrei Kuzichkin believes that, in reality, Kazakhstan’s president was conveying a message to Putin from Xi Jinping. The question remains whether Putin is capable of interpreting it correctly – and there are serious doubts about that.

Technology Has Changed Warfare. Will Western Leaders Draw the Right Conclusions from Valerii Zaluzhnyi’s Analysis?

On July 8, 2026, another article by Valerii Zaluzhnyi was published. The central thesis of the article is that advances in military technology require a fundamental reassessment of conventional ideas about war, including the very concept of military victory. Are Western leaders, who bear responsibility for the fate of their nations, prepared to draw the necessary conclusions and rethink their strategic vision of war?

Is the State an Instrument of Law or an Apparatus of Violence? Russia, Poland, and Ukraine: Historical Contradictions Can Be Overcome, but Civilizational Ones Cannot

At the core of political conflicts between Poland and Ukraine lies a divergent understanding of history. However, these contradictions can be overcome if historical disputes are not politicized but are instead approached through a shared understanding of the state as an instrument of the legal system designed to ensure normal social life. Political contradictions with Russia, however, are fundamentally irreconcilable. Even if enlightened liberals were to come to power in Russia, they would not be able to change the historical fact that Russia developed as a militarized state whose essence is not law but a mechanism of violence.

Alexander Lukashenko: Putin’s hostage despot

Alexander Lukashenko, who ruled Belarus for nearly 32 years through extremist state terror is now trapped by inescapable forces. Between his economic and military dependence on Moscow and the existential threats from his own population, he finds his survival at the mercy of factors beyond his clutch.

National Identity and the Diplomatic Conflict Between Poland and Ukraine

Is the diplomatic conflict between Poland and Ukraine purely ideological, or is it rooted in questions of national identity? Dr. Yulia Fil, a culturologist, offers an academic answer free of political judgments.

Sexual Humiliation as an Instrument of Russian Military Policy

Only in relatively recent times in democratic countries have sexual relations come to be understood primarily as a sphere of personal freedom and individual choice. Such an approach is unacceptable to the contemporary Russian authorities, which in their attitude toward sexuality demonstrate not merely conservatism but a drive to revive the most primitive forms of social control. As a result, sexual humiliation becomes one of the instruments used to maintain the system of power and to mobilize society for war.
spot_img

Related Articles

Popular Categories

spot_imgspot_img